Jean M. Langford (2002)
"Professional medical science is not expected by most of us to involve overt showmanship, which, insofar as it is instrumental, is expected to be the province of magic. The fact is, of course, as medical anthropologists have demonstrated, medical science does involve showmanship, from the color-enhanced photographs of microscopic pathology to the opening of the draped body in the operating theater. Professional medicine's show does not, however, usually include photo albums full of famous patients. Medical science, as will be elaborated below, usually disguises its simulacra as natural or functional objects-- as bodily organs, for example, or surgical tools. It is not expected to display them with casual ingenuousness, like obvious advertising ploys. It might be said that science's most dazzling show is its illusion of objectivity" (p. 210).
III. Outside Source(s)
1. Indian Ayurveda medical facility website imagery:
2. United States biomedicine medical facility website imagery:
IV. Analysis
The excerpt I chose from Fluent Bodies is in chapter six titled "Medical Simulations." In this section Langford analyzes her observations, conversations, and experience with not only the vaidya, Kaviraj Kumar but more prominently of Dr. Mistry. She brings up the question of “quackery” in the proximity of these practitioners use of Ayurvedic methods. This led her on into a discussion of mimicry and more directly how both Kaviraj Kumar and Dr. Mistry use advertising in order to assemble (or attract) a clientele in contrast to “professional medical science” practitioners and institutions. It is on this subject of showmanship, advertising and commercialization that I will direct my analysis. The outside examples that I have chosen for my comparison of Langford’s text are imagery and text from two medical institutions websites: 1) Arya Vaidya Sala (AVS), an Ayurvedic institution in India and 2) Swedish, a biomedicine hospital in the United States. In looking at these two websites as representations of each respective institution, I will argue that professional medical science does not have so much a dazzling “illusion of objectivity” but instead a much more blatant advertising approach. In my analysis I attribute both AVS and Swedish as representations of professional medical science institutions.
Langford suggests, "Like magic, the techniques of advertising make obvious sensuous aspects of signification that are more hidden in modern science. The advertising image explodes with a tactile force on the mind. The sign is not simply representation: it is barrage, impression, physical sensation” (p. 220). I would agree that in modern science, advertising might be a bit more veiled than Dr. Mistry or Kavirah Kumar’s verbal and physical administration ploys (i.e., pamphlet handouts, self portrait photos with famous personnel, and ego prompting commentary). However, as I found on both the AVS and Swedish websites, there are certain written and image techniques used that are not hidden, instead obviously advocating the institutions as successful and the correct choice for patients. The difference here is that instead of an individual practitioner commercializing services, the institution via its website commercializes itself.
The images and text included in section III are from each website's homepage, which is where a viewer is most likely to end up first. Each has its logo in the left hand corner of the screen and underneath that a message and image. For AVS, the logo includes the staff of Asclepius, which has been used globally as a symbol of medicine. Swedish instead used the cross (reminiscent of Red Cross), another symbol associated with medicine. I would argue that in using traditional symbols within each logo assures the viewer (or potential patient) a sense of comfort and the institution a sense of legitimacy. Of course this is much more discrete advertising, whereas the imagery and text below the institutions logo is more direct. For AVS, the image of a boat on the river with the text “Welcome to Kottakkal Arya Vaidya Sala, The High Road to Health” projects a peaceful image and suggests that AVS is the correct way to health. The Swedish site includes an image of a girl and woman (note: both blond and fair) and the text “Great care is not a chance, it’s a choice” and also projects a peaceful image and suggests that having great care depends on choosing the right hospital. Thus, on the homepage one is immediately sent an advertising message that this is the correct choice for a medical institution. I would argue that such images that have nothing to do with medicine, a river or happy people, could be construed as a magical advertising approach with the goal of creating an initial interest thus drawing in the potential patient to further explore the website. This is in contrast to Langford's statement from the chosen excerpt that "Medical science, as will be elaborated below, usually disguises its simulacra as natural or functional objects" (p. 210).
Next I want to focus on the link that gives further information about the institution. Below I have included both text and images as seen from the "about" pages from each website (please go directly to the link to see the formal format).
1. Website page: About AVS
“AVS was established at Kottakkal in Kerala State of India in 1902 by the visionary physician and philanthropist, the late Vaidyaratnam P.S. Varier. Started essentially as a village clinic, it has now grown into a multi-unit, multi-disciplinary and multi-core organization. It has operations in different areas of Ayurvedic practice”
“AVS manages Ayurvedic Hospitals at Kottakkal, Delhi and Kochi. All classical Ayurvedic medicines, therapies and expert medical advice are available there. AVS has two modern medicine manufacturing units, has well equipped quality control labs, has full fledged research activities, publishes Ayurvedic periodicals and books, cultivates medicinal plants and conducts educational programmes.”
2. Website page: About Swedish
"Since 1910, Swedish Medical Center has been the region’s hallmark for excellence in health care. In fact, in an independent research study conducted by the National Research Corp., Swedish is consistently named the area's best hospital, with the best doctors, nurses and overall care in a variety of specialty areas”
“But Swedish is not just about facilities, research and new techniques. It's about people coming together to provide the most compassionate care possible. From nurses and physicians to social workers and dietitians, the dedicated teams of Swedish Medical Center are defining on a personal level what excellence really means.”
First of all, in both cases the first paragraph that gives further information about the institution starts out by establishing credentials through a historic timeline. In Langford's account of Dr. Mistry she states "his commercialism lacked the subtlety and seeming objectivity of most professional medical services. This is partly due to the fact that in the subtext of his publicity, the commodity for sale was not so much the medicines and therapies as the doctor himself" (p. 202). Langford makes this statement after discussing Dr. Mistry's publicity through tabloids in the waiting area along with (supposed) credentials posted throughout his facility. While the websites of AVS and Swedish do not necessarily post "tabloids," the parallel I am drawing is that their "about" pages advocate the institution more so than the medicines or methods. For example, AVS details the facilities growth and modernism. In contrast, Swedish details being the best and having excellence. Especially in the case of the Swedish website, objectivity is thrown out the window in order to sell the institution. In addition both "about" pages include glossy photos depicting medical personnel in staged action. Here is where Langford is correct in stating from the chosen excerpt "medical science does involve showmanship, from the color-enhanced photographs of microscopic pathology to the opening of the draped body in the operating theater" (p. 210).
So while Langford's seems to suggest that Kaviraj Kumar and Dr. Mistry methods contrast from that of professional medical science, I found that in the realm of the Internet and institutions websites, methods of advertising tend to veer more towards commercialization than that of objectivity. In my further investigation of both sites there are many other examples including the Swedish link to each doctor's image, credentials, and publicity work (see link: Patricia Dawson, MD) and AVS's photogallary with images of events and honors with politicians and celebrities. Perhaps the Internet provides a whole different realm of advocacy for medical institutions, Ayurveda and biomedicine alike. I would argue that within this online realm, institutions feel the need to compete and thus their websites become a plethora of independent advertising. Objectivity aside, the main method seems to be anyway and anything to draw in new patients and interested parties.
V. Citations Used
1. Arya Vaidya Asala website:
Homepage: http://www.aryavaidyasala.com
Aboutpage: http://www.aryavaidyasala.com/(S(5vta3vjud34oxtb2513y0gfe))/about_avs.aspx
2. Swedish Medical Center website:
Homepage: http://www.swedish.org
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